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Name: Bülent Mumay

"When a country’s democracy slides into an authoritarian regime, it matters in two ways: as a citizen of that country and as a journalist who needs democracy to practise their profession."

What personal motivations drove you to write your new book?

Turkey was never an ideal democracy, but it was an EU accession candidate striving to align with the European Union. When Erdoğan came to power in 2002, it seemed he would follow this path. He implemented reforms and presented himself to the West as a Muslim-democratic leader until 2010. But once he felt secure at the height of his power, he decided to transform the country into a one-man regime. As a journalist, you cannot ignore that. When a country’s democracy slides into an authoritarian regime, it matters in two ways: as a citizen of that country and as a journalist who needs democracy to practise their profession. My greatest motivation was to write about my country’s democracy and my profession and to defend them.

You were arrested. Why were you released?

Shortly after the 2016 coup attempt, I was arrested and spent about a week in a cell at a police station. After the coup, they wanted to intimidate and punish journalists who had criticised the government, equating us with the coup plotters. It was my first month as a columnist for the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ), around my second or third column. They accused me of being part of a terrorist organisation. The court, however, released me because there was no evidence that I was part of a terrorist organisation or had supported the coup plotters.

"The agent law would be the final step, as journalists like me who work for foreign media, or NGOs funded by European institutions, would be at risk."

Is the agent law currently active in Turkey?

Erdoğan tried twice to pass this law in parliament, but due to strong reactions, it hasn’t happened yet. As soon as they feel secure, they’ll try again. 

Ninety-five percent of traditional media are directly or indirectly controlled by the palace. Government-aligned businesspeople buy media companies and produce propaganda for the government. There are still a few small media outlets that can criticise the government. But Turkey has a large young population, and social and digital media are very important and effective. Digital media are harder to control than television or newspapers because they have their own networks and sources. However, Turkey has passed laws, and Erdoğan can suddenly shut down Twitter or ask Elon Musk to block or suspend accounts. That often works. The agent law would be the final step, as journalists like me who work for foreign media, or NGOs funded by European institutions, would be at risk. We are the only ones who can freely report on the realities in the country. That was the title of my book. This law could put me in prison for seven years. That was the reason for my FAZ article, and my editors turned it into the book’s title.

Are you glad to be supported by German media?

I work for Deutsche Welle in Turkey, for their Turkish service, and write a weekly column for the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, “Letter from Istanbul”. Working for foreign media, receiving money from international institutions, or being funded by the EU would be a crime if this law is passed.

Perhaps he can’t enforce it because of the many economic ties?

Yes and no. International pressure still matters to Erdoğan. Unfortunately, he uses certain issues as leverage against the West, like migration, NATO membership, or mediating between Ukraine and Russia. He believes these issues are more important to the West, so there isn’t much pressure on him. A mistake the West makes is thinking that what he needs belongs to Erdoğan. It belongs to Turkey. The West doesn’t need to negotiate with Erdoğan to work with the country. They treat him as the owner of the country, but he’s only temporary. Tomorrow, we could elect someone else.

How do you personally cope with the significant risks?

Writing the book and working for the FAZ encourages me but also makes me professionally afraid. Two weeks before the book’s release in Germany, in early April, Erdoğan’s biggest rival, Ekrem İmamoğlu, was arrested in Turkey. That scares me, but as a journalist, it’s my responsibility to keep reporting on the country’s developments. My book shows how Erdoğan has changed Turkey’s democracy and media step by step. I’m glad and proud to have written it. It frightens me, especially for my family and my wife, but it’s a responsibility, and I’m proud to carry it.

Are you afraid of being arrested again?

Yes, I am. A year and a half ago, in 2023, I was on trial for criticising a businessman close to Erdoğan in my reports. I was sentenced to 20 months in prison, a suspended sentence. If I make another mistake, no matter what—even a traffic accident with a one-day penalty—I’ll have to go to prison for 20 months plus one day. They’re constantly looking for mistakes to catch me. I do my best, but the fear remains. The best thing is to forget the fear and carry on, otherwise you’re paralysed.

Are there other journalists who criticise the government? Are you a group or alone?

I’m in contact with colleagues, friends, and we support each other during court cases. If you don’t work for Erdoğan’s media or directly support him in Turkey, you face problems—financially or legally. You’re constantly called to the police to make statements or defend yourself.

"The book is a collection about how the media landscape and journalism in Turkey have changed."

Is there a story from your book that most vividly illustrates the mechanism of censorship for readers?

The book is a collection about how the media landscape and journalism in Turkey have changed. One story, the second in the book, is called “One Night Unexpectedly” in German. It’s a personal story describing how I was arrested in 2016, how shaken I was in detention, and how they treated me. It shows how journalists in Turkey are intimidated with baseless criminal charges. There are also many articles about how Erdoğan has changed the structure of Turkish media, intimidated journalists, and recently censored digital media.

Social media, you mean? Do they block accounts?

They block accounts. The interior minister stated that since Erdoğan’s re-election in 2023, 120,000 accounts have been blocked on Twitter alone. Tens of thousands of people are taken to court for allegedly insulting Erdoğan on social media. They try to intimidate people so they stop criticising Erdoğan. Social media was the only space where people could freely express their opinions, but now they’re blocked, censored, or punished.

What do people write?

It’s not about curses or insults. If you criticise the government, for example, saying there’s corruption and the government isn’t stopping it, that’s considered an insult to the government or the president.

"Yes, I do. I think of the economic problems Erdoğan has caused, which particularly affect the lower and middle classes."

Do you have hope for a more liberal Turkey?

Yes, I do. I think of the economic problems Erdoğan has caused, which particularly affect the lower and middle classes. These used to support him but are now heavily impacted. Secondly, most young people are against Erdoğan due to his economic and social policies. With every election, four to five million new voters, young people, come in, and they don’t support him. In the last election, Erdoğan won by only two million votes. His share decreases with every election because new voters are against him. Thirdly, we’ve had Ekrem İmamoğlu for a few years, who could become president, is seen as a rock star, and has 15 percent more support than Erdoğan. Due to the economic crisis, young voters, and İmamoğlu, Turkey could see major change in the medium term.

Your hope lies with young voters. How can they communicate when social media is so heavily monitored?

They do it. After İmamoğlu’s arrest, they protested on the streets despite harsh police violence and arrests against the court’s decision. Even if they can’t express or communicate freely, they’ll vote again one day. That changes the mindset. History shows that difficult times end. We remember Hitler or Mussolini, but they’re gone. Everything has a limit, and I think Turkey has reached that limit.

When might that happen?

Turkey is hard to predict. But if we have normal elections in a few years, I don’t think Erdoğan will stay in power. According to the regular calendar, the next elections are in 2028. In three years, we’ll say goodbye to Erdoğan if there are free elections.

How do you see the prospects for an EU-Turkey partnership?

Erdoğan’s government and the EU agree that Turkey won’t become a member because both benefit from it. If Erdoğan carried out reforms and the EU accepted us, he’d have to follow European rules, act like a democrat, not arrest opponents, not imprison journalists, and stop corruption. He doesn’t want that. He runs the country alone with transactional diplomacy. The EU doesn’t want to admit Turkey for several reasons: poor democracy, imprisoned journalists, autocratic leadership. 

As long as Erdoğan is in power, we won’t be an EU member for one or two decades. Even if he goes, it will take time to reform the country and prepare the new generations.

In percentages: How many people in Turkey or Germany want the current government to end?

I’m certain that more than 60 percent of people are against the government, based on polls, Erdoğan’s imprisonment of rivals, and the societal mood. That’s why the opposition is pushing for early elections, but Erdoğan refuses because he knows he’d lose today. He’s trying to change the game by imprisoning strong rivals like İmamoğlu to get a weaker candidate. 

Erdoğan knows his votes are below 60 percent and rejects early elections because he’d need parliamentary approval. He imprisons strong opponents like İmamoğlu to buy time until 2028, hoping to resolve the economic crisis or secure Western funds. But if elections were held tomorrow, Erdoğan would lose 60 to 40.

The opposition candidate is in prison. What exactly is he accused of?

İmamoğlu, the mayor of Istanbul, is accused of collaborating with the PKK, a Kurdish terrorist organisation, and committing corruption. Remarkably, he was mayor for six years without anyone touching him. But a week after he was nominated as the opposition’s presidential candidate, Erdoğan had him arrested.

"Some thank me for showing the reality in Turkey, as they don’t closely follow the country. Others, Erdoğan supporters, call me a German spy who betrays the country and badmouths it abroad."

What do you know about the many Turkish people in Germany? Do they support journalists like you?

They’re a reflection of Turkish society. There are Erdoğan supporters and people who are well integrated into German society and live like Germans. I see this in the comments under my FAZ columns. Some thank me for showing the reality in Turkey, as they don’t closely follow the country. Others, Erdoğan supporters, call me a German spy who betrays the country and badmouths it abroad. The same polarisation as in Turkey exists among Turks in Germany.

What should readers take away from your book?

Sharing information is a journalist’s greatest wish. When readers read my column or book, they can pass on the information. We journalists live in a bubble, trying to share our thoughts and facts, but our reach is limited. I hope readers who find the content valuable will spread this reality. It’s not a religious message, but information that is rarely written or told today. I want them to read my work and that of my colleagues and pass it on to others.

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